I discovered a very interesting, and slightly disturbing article by Richard Garnett--a thoughtful legal scholar at Notre Dame. Assimilation, Toleration, And The State's Interest in The Development of Religious Doctrine, 51 UCLA L. Rev. 1645 (2004) argues that government has a legitimate interest in shaping the development of religious doctrine: a position which one tends to associate with social conservatism, but which, Garnett shows, is equally common among social liberals.
Now, we often talk about the concept of "indoctrination" in government schools--the charge is thrown by both sides of the evolution education debate--and of course I tend to be very wary of the idea that government may legitimately control the development of moral or religious ideas. This is because I am deeply concerned that government will exploit this power to unsavory ends. (Heaven knows it's done that plenty times in the past.) But at the same time it's undeniable that one of the purposes of education, particularly in a free society, is to teach students the values of freedom. You cannot have an open society that's just a cluster of closed societies. There must be certain generally shared propositions of freedom. Oliver Wendell Holmes could not possibly have been more wrong when he said that Constitutions are "made for people of fundamentally differing views." Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45, 76 (1905). In fact, they're made for people who share a "perception of good and bad and right and wrong and the other moral qualities." Aristotle, Politics 1253a.
The purpose of science education, I believe, is not merely to teach the facts discovered by scientists, but to inculcate the concept of science itself--skepticism, free debate, experimentation, and so forth. As I've noted before, courts have declared these things to be legitimate secular values which the government may teach without conflicting with the Establishment Clause. I've always been somewhat skeptical of that claim, because I think they're clearly values, and as values, they'll necessarily conflict with other values held by certain dogmas. Yet without teaching such values, republican government is bound to fail.* Thus we have a paradox, which resembles several other paradoxes in the law/religion intersection: among its primary jobs is to determine factual controversies in the courts of law, and yet a vast region of truth claims--religion--is declared off limits; a free society is supposed to tolerate wildly different views, yet there are people whose views don't include toleration; government is expected to teach, yet at the same time, it violates my rights to spend tax dollars to teach certain things I disagree with. Karl Popper referred to one of these as the "Paradox of Toleration," 1 The Open Society And Its Enemies 265 n. 4 (5th ed. 1971), but I think the term is good for all of these paradoxes: our government rests on certain principles, including "tolerance," which conflict with some religious traditions. As Garnett puts it,
[E]ven liberal, constitutional governments are not, and cannot be, indifferent to "matters of opinion." Our government consciously and purposely articulates positions, stakes claims, and takes stands; it approves, endorses, and subsidizes some controversial and contestable ideas, and rejects others. Indeed, our government in particular was founded upon, and dedicated to, certain ideas and propositions.
51 UCLA L. Rev. at 1689.
The problem, of course, is not in establishing that government has an "interest" (an important word choice, I think) in supporting or propagating certain religious views. Government has all sorts of "interests." Indeed, every person's action affects some other person's action in some way, however attenuated, and the government will therefore have some interest in just about everything. The question is how to avoid absolutism. One of the ways has been to declare that government simply has no interest in religion at all, or that the values of republican government that our schools teach are merely "secular." Garnett finds that a pretty weak tactic. Another way I've tended to use is to recognize a distinction between an "interest" and a "right." Government may have an interest in something, but may act on that interest only to defend individual rights, or at least, only where acting on that interest violates nobody's rights. Garnett himself acknowledges that "the image of state officials and government policymakers gathered together and designing a strategy to induce changes in those religious teachings to which they object is unsettling," id. at 1682, and"cannot emphasize enough that the conclusion toward this line of argument is not that...the state's perceived social-reproduction and virtue-inculcation needs are normatively prior either to the integrity of religious traditions or to the expressive autonomy of mediating associations. Governments ought to steer clear of doctrinal disputes and ought to avoid excessive entanglement with...religions." Id. at 1699. But he doesn't provide us with tools for doing that. On one hand, we must respect people's rights to hold and teach views that we find revolting, and which might even undermine our society. (Where would we be if the abolitionists had not been free to develop their then-subversive religious views?) But on the other hand, "one of the things that must be done to keep' a liberal democracy is to quite self-consciously create liberal democrats." Id. at 1694.
Aside from raising very important points, Garnett's article is important to us for two reasons. First, because, as I've said, enemies of science education routinely accuse us of trying to "propagandize" a secular world-view to students. This is usually an unfounded accusation, but there is a grain of truth to it, in the sense that we do not want to just teach the discoveries but teach discovery. An attempt at a hands-off, entirely value-neutral science education is doomed, either to fail, or to accomplish an entirely pointless success. Second, because this is a fascinating instance of the public-choice phenomenon playing itself out, not in economics, but in memetics: conservatives have long claimed that government "ha[s] an interest' in the content of associations' messages, in the views of political parties' nominees, in the views and attitudes parents impart to their children, and in the developments of doctrine' in religious communities." Id. at 1692. This is, for example, a frequent argument in the debate over homosexual marriage. But liberals, too, "argue[ ] that a more judgmental liberalism' is needed, one that is wary of and aggressive in opposing religious enthusiasm' and that uses not only the public schools, but all of the instruments of public policy' to shape [the] social norms and meanings that mold individual choices and character.'" Id. at 1696. The power to "shape social norms" and "mold individual character" is an extraordinarily dangerous power, particularly to a society that prides itself on dynamism and liberty. I have therefore always been extremely skeptical of such proposals. As Jacob Bronowski put it, no nation has died of dissent, but many have died of conformity, in our lifetimes. And yet my view is based on certain principles--dynamism and liberty--which are fundamental to the survival of a free society, and which must be taught if that society is to function. (Personally, I think the best solution is privatizing education, but that's hardly a perfect solution.)
In teaching the scientific method, we are necessarily inculcating certain values in students. Doing so is essential to the survival of a free society. But in large doses, it can be deadly. I don't know the solution to this problem, but it's something we all must seriously confront.
*-This is why Thomas Jefferson advocated government-run education, and also why he argued for a careful mechanism for assimilating immigrants:
Every species of government has its specific principles. Ours perhaps are more peculiar than those of any other in the universe. It is a composition of the freest principles of the English constitution, with others derived from natural right and natural reason. To these nothing can be more opposed than the maxims of absolute monarchies. Yet, from such, we are to expect the greatest number of emigrants. They will bring with them the principles of the governments they leave.... These principles, with their language, they will transmit to their children.... They will infuse into it their spirit, warp and bias its direction, and render it a heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mass.
18 Comments
Timothy Sandefur · 11 September 2004
As we say in the law, res ipsa loquitur.
Ed Brayton · 11 September 2004
As they say in the airline flight attendant business...buh bye, Mr. Richard Feder of Ft. Lee, New Jersey.
Mike S. · 13 September 2004
Jeff Chamberlain · 13 September 2004
Well, yes, unless (or to the extent that) "skepticism, free debate, experimentation, and so forth" are themselves (seen as) "attacks, real and perceived, against core values."
Great White Wonder · 13 September 2004
Mike S. · 13 September 2004
Apparently some of the anti-religious motivation comes from deep-seated emotional reaction, as well.
Great White Wonder · 13 September 2004
Steve · 13 September 2004
Acronyms are how all good science is done. Years before he actually came up with a theory, Al Einstein wrote pop books about RT, or Relativity Theory, about how it obliterated Newtonian mechanics, which was a 'theory in crisis'. Wrote pop books, held conferences at churches, discussed it with all his lawyer RT friends. Started RT clubs. Tried to get it taught in equal time with newton. Then later he published an actual theory.
Mike S. · 14 September 2004
Timothy Sandefur · 14 September 2004
Well said, Mike S. I am about the most atheistic atheist there is, and I am very much opposed to the merging of religion and politics that Wonder complains of--indeed, I wholeheartedly endorse Dawkins' statements. Unfortunately, Wonder goes much too far in the opposite direction, even saying once that he thinks the state should take away children from religious parents in order to teach them the values that serve the state better. This is frustrating to me, since I don't like coming to the defense of theists. But we simply must be reasonable, and respect the rights of those who disagree with us. Wonder's last paragraph, I think, indicates a deeper reason for his lack of balance on these issues. As Laurence Sterne wrote, "Whenever a man talks loudly against religion, always suspect that it is not his reason, but his passions, which have got the better of his Creed."
Do parents have a right to lie to children? With apologies to Daniel Dennett, the answer is Yes, because the alternative--giving someone else the complete authority to determine what shall be taught to children--is simply too dangerous, and also because there are too many things on the margin, from the minute ("there is a Santa Claus") to the immense ("the machinery of capitalism is oiled with the blood of the workers"). But, again, it is also possible to imagine extreme cases where others must step in to protect children against the lies taught by their parents--for instance, sexual manipulation, or even (in the cases involving sick children of Jehovah's Witnesses) the inappropriateness of certain medical treatments.
In other words, in many cases, the state necessarily makes truth claims--as when it creates a policy which more or less requires parents to get certain medical treatments for their children, because these treatments are deemed effective. On the other hand, the state must not make other truth claims--with regard to religious doctrine, but also with regard to some political doctrines, and other things--because to do so would enhance the power of the state to a far too great degree. I entirely believe that the political economy of socialism is not only inherently flawed, but deeply evil. We know that Wonder feels quite strongly the opposite. I am entirely confident, and I assume Wonder is as well, that we are right, not just in some abstract way, but in a scientific, provable way. So which one of us should have the right to control the information given to each other's children? That is a far more serious question even than the question of which of us is right about socialism. And that is the paradox of toleration. Learned Hand said that "The spirit of liberty is the spirit which is not too sure that it is right." That attitude--which once went by the name "liberal"--ought to resonate deeply with any person serious about the values of science.
Again, I want most strongly to emphasize that this is not an easy question. It is not the question of whether God exists or whether evolution is true, or any of those--those questions are, in fact, easy by comparison to the question of how we should treat doctrines which we believe are untrue, or even doctrines which we can be entirely reasonably certain are untrue. I think the reason Wonder has difficulty with this issue is because he is focusing much too hard on the first question--on which he and I actually agree--rather than on the much harder second question, riddled as it is with paradoxes between liberty and safety.
Great White Wonder · 14 September 2004
Great White Wonder · 14 September 2004
Mike S writes
In fact, Mike, I happily accept coins and money minted by our government every day.
steve · 14 September 2004
Fourmyle · 14 September 2004
There's a classic scientific essay in the same class as Garrett Hardin's "Tragedy of the Commons" waiting to be written about tolerance. The true "paradox of a tolerant society" is that tolerant ideologies are inevitably displaced by intolerant ones. That is, unlimited tolerance is not an evolutionarily stable strategy. Unless the society is intolerant on one singular fixed point: it must not tolerate intolerance.
Most religions are fundamentally intolerant (with the notable exception of Buddhism): they assert that "our way is the only true way". All other believers are sinners or infidels who must be converted or exterminated.
If a government wishes to avoid ultimate destruction in civil war or devolution into theocracy, it must prohibit many forms of religious expression, specifically those expressing claims of exclusive status.
Jim Harrison · 14 September 2004
To preserve freedom we don't need to prohibit anybody from expressing their ideas. We have to keep the zealots from getting control of the government and prohibiting us from expressing our ideas. The fundamentalists do not want equality and freedom. They want control. It is not intolerance to prevent them from getting what they want. There is no paradox about it.
We should never forget that Christianity triumphed in the first place through the coercive power of the State. Without Constantine, the Christians would have remained a mere sect like many other would-be world religions that failed to find a convenient thug to enforce their outlook on the world. Similarly, in the current situation, the fundamentalists and ID folks don't stand a chance of dominating the sciences without political power.
Mike S. · 15 September 2004
Steve · 15 September 2004
Tolerance, like all values, is prone to opposition with other values. Frequently it's not clear which value to prefer. An example: The brickyard preacher Gary I mentioned somewhere on TPT earlier, stands in the brickyard nearly every day (including holidays) and preaches, poorly and loudly. (Doing, I might add, the public service of showing what happens when you take religion too seriously.) Adjacent to the brickyard are several nice grassy areas with shade and benches. On a nice day, they're great places to sit and read. But it's impossible to enjoy with a guy shouting Leviticus nearby. So two values are in conflict--Gary's free speech, and my enjoyment of public park areas. In this case, society has decided that Gary wins. Now imagine Gary's part of a group of 30 fundies who decide to post members at every park in Raleigh and scream from the bible. Suddenly it's not just a few people the Garys are annoying, it's thousands of citizens who've paid for the park. At what point does it become too much of a burden on everyone else, and Gary's free speech has to be curtailed a bit?
Timothy Sandefur · 15 September 2004